By Spencer Wang ’19, Staff Writer

Over the past two years, Turkey’s stable republic has been unbalanced by numerous tragedies. Since 2015, over 330 civilians have been killed in terrorist rttacks — 169 of whom were murdered in Ankara, the nation’s capital. In addition, Turkey’s lenient border policies have brought pressure from over 2,700,000 Syrian refugees.  In combination with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s recent authoritarian political moves, the recipe for social unrest is perfect.

On July 15, at around 11:00 pm in Ankara, the peace of a cool summer’s night was deafened by the rumble of military jets flying overhead. Within an hour, bridges were blocked off by troops, social media outlets were jammed, and a statement by a faction of the Turkish military was broadcasted through a state television network: “The political administration that has lost all legitimacy has been forced to withdraw… we have fully seized control of Turkey.”

Tanks began rolling across the city, settling in airport lots, town squares, and streets. However, the military’s plan to oust the standing government stagnated; no government buildings were toppled. President Erdogan, who was on vacation away from Ankara urged his followers via FaceTime to confront and protest the coup: ”Go to the streets and give them their answer.”

Throughout the rest of the night, confusion became the dominating sentiment. Videos were taken of gunfire being exchanged between military and police; photos were taken of protesters blocking tanks and soldiers. Bombs were supposedly thrown at government buildings. However, no clear reports arose from the chaos.

As daylight arrived, the aftermath of the mayhem became clear: the media listed over 290 dead and 1,500 injured. Erdoğan released a statement at 6:30 AM and stated that “the government is in control.” Cheers and celebration from his supporters echoed through the streets. With the failure of the coup, over 6,000 supposed plotters – including soldiers and judges – were arrested.

President Erdoğan and his supporters blamed the coup on Fethullah Gulen, who is an  Islamic cleric and Erdoğan’s former ally. Gulen, who moved to Pennsylvania after residing in Turkey for sixteen years, commented, “Twenty years ago, I clearly stated my support for democracy and I said that there is no return from democracy in Turkey.”  Gulen was only one among many to question the authenticity of Erdoğan’s “democratic” government. Since his election win in 2014, Erdoğan has not only exercised authoritarian rule, but also decreased secularism in schools and literature. As a result, his popularity has dropped drastically this year, falling to a 39% approval rating.

Kerem Yaman, Turkish immigrant and father of Melisa Yaman ‘19, commented, “I actually thought it would be better if the coup succeeded. But I’m in the minority in this regard. Most people in the country were so scared that they were happy the coup failed — even if they really didn’t like the regime.”

Though Mr. Yaman raises a fair point, Erdoğan has been criticized for eliminating political opponents and limiting free speech among journalists and protests. Elliott Zornitsky ‘18 states that “he was trying to tighten his government and eliminate political opposition in order to secure his authority. These trends seem to point to a desire for long-term power.” The question of Erdoğan’s motives poses a difficult challenge for the nations of the European Union who see Turkey as an ally.

Some Newark Academy students believe that Erdogan’s behavior may threaten democratic nations, such as the United States. As Spencer Glassman ‘19 puts it, “The coup hurts Turkey’s relationship with America. I don’t think Erdoğan is that pro-democracy, as he has shown in his treatment of the kurds and alleged media biases from the election.” Zornitsky ‘18 added that “The US is supposed to support democratic institutions across the world.”  

Humanities teacher Mr. Parlin agreed: “The American relationship to Turkey is very important, so I would hope that we would not do anything precipitous to break that relationship. But I also hope that we continue to put pressure on Turkey to come closer to our standard of human rights.”  Whether Erdoğan’s policies come to affect U.S-Turkey relations is yet to be determined. But due to our reliance on Turkey — not only as a political ally, but also as a military ally for the fight against ISIS — tensions could remain stiff. We must ask ourselves what we find more important: American democratic ideology or strategic gain.